Early in 2019, the governor of Saudi Arabia’s Eastern Province, Prince Saud bin Nayef, inaugurated the Downtown Awamiya project. This development project is more significant than others in the kingdom because of the location of Awamiya. The town is near Qatif, a major Shia city with a history of political tension, especially after the outbreak of the 2011 Arab Spring protests. Hence, the location of the development project is significant, and it has received notable attention from the Saudi government.
Tensions spiked in Awamiya in summer 2013 as Saudi authorities escalated their clampdown on protesters, arresting, and in some cases shooting dead, demonstration leaders. After their defeat, many of the protesters settled into the old quarter of Awamiya. Known as al-Musawara due to its encircling walls, the neighborhood is characterized by its tight quarters and small alleyways, difficult for the Saudi police to penetrate. In the summer of 2017, the government intensified the crackdown and razed the old city to make way for a new development, expropriating properties and reimbursing the owners, which sparked increased violence from residents facing evictions. In the face of the demolitions and fighting, most of Awamiya’s residents were forced to flee the village. The government blamed the violence on terrorist activities by the protesters, while protesters blamed the government for the use of excessive force.
From a state of near complete destruction, the Downtown Awamiya project took less than a year to be inaugurated, representing a turning point for the residents of Awamiya and perhaps the whole Eastern Province. Whether they support or condemn the events of 2011-17, residents are nearly unified in exhaustion from the unrest and now desire to live in peace without political confrontation. After a long absence from Awamiya’s streets, residents were allowed back to their houses ahead of the inauguration. The former residents of al-Musawara – who were paid the market price of their houses – are torn between finding other houses in Awamiya or moving to other neighborhoods within Qatif. However, the previous police headquarters, once used as a logistical facility equipped with armored vehicles, was demolished.
The village the Saudi government decried as “a dangerous slum” has been turned into a tourist hub, attracting families from other towns and cities. Shops, cafes and restaurants, and entertainment facilities occupy most of the space. However, the project also includes a cultural center, which – as described in Saudi media – aims to bring the many artists, poets, and writers of Qatif and its surrounding towns into Awamiya, making it a center of cultural life.
This is an important initiative in a region that has been deprived of cultural resources and investment from the state. Previously, the absence of support for artists and intellectuals forced the creative class to hold their activities in the major Eastern Province cities of Dammam and Khobar, or even to cross the border to Bahrain. Yet, almost a year since the inauguration, there is no clear plan for the management of activities, with programs thus far sponsored by the municipality. Already a social competition over control of this cultural center is emerging among local stakeholders, as a community hungry for formal institutions to sponsor their activities adapts to the new reality.
New initiatives such as the cultural center might play a vital role in attracting support for government policies among the Shia community. Indeed, this project has engendered a new group within the Shia communities of Qatif and Awamiya presenting themselves as “good citizens with full loyalty to the kingdom” on social media, in television interviews, and in conversations with the visitors to the project who have come from other areas of Saudi Arabia. A new wave of pro-government notables – clergy, writers, academics, and artists – are replacing the old stakeholders, as the Saudi government rewards those who have expressed their loyalty by appointing them to high positions. For the first time, two natives of Awamiya have been appointed to respected positions: Nabih Alibrahim as a member of the Consultative Assembly and AlShaikh Abdul-Azeem Al-Mushaikhus as a judge in the Department of Endowments and Family Affairs, which administers marriage, divorce, inheritance, and religious endowments for the Shia community exclusively.
This rapprochement has unsurprisingly provoked a backlash on social media from anonymous Twitter accounts and dissidents who live abroad. These critics denounce pro-government figures as acting in their personal interest rather than that of their community, while stating their concerns regarding the continued arrests of individuals – both Shia and Sunni. This attitude gained traction with the mass executions on April 23, which included 12 individuals from Awamiya. On the other hand, pro-government figures who use social media defend their positions expressing their hope for a better future for Saudi Arabia, and particularly their village, seeing the Downtown Awamiya project as a significant sign of the positive official attitude toward the village and Shia in general.
The new Awamiya development may become another hub for the concerts and activities conducted by the General Entertainment Authority, the new institution aiming to modernize Saudi society and reduce religious fanaticism among youth. Thus far the most significant event in the Qatif region was the Festival of the Flowers that began November 17. The festival attracted 6,000 visitors the first day and 115,000 visitors over six days.
The neat, attractive buildings of Downtown Awamiya and the ambitions of new activities are stirring changes. Yet it may take more time to assess the evolution of the relationship between the village, with a deep history of discontent, and the Saudi state.
