While the long-term objective of Tehran may well be to expel all great powers from the Middle East, in the short term, Iran benefits from the U.S. presence in Iraq.
The Iranian friendly fire incident that killed 19 Iranian sailors on May 10 points to the inconsistencies of the regime’s leadership and makes one of its sources of pride into a liability.
The specter of a Saudi withdrawal from Yemen is prompting parties to the conflict to shore up their positions, further destabilizing the country.
Western naval operations already are disrupted by the pandemic, which Iran may view as an opportunity to increase its activities in the Gulf.
Tehran and Kataib Hezbollah's conflicting reactions to Prime Minister-designate Mustafa al-Kadhimi reflect a division of labor rather than poor coordination.
While it took the Quds Force of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps less than 24 hours to replace Major General Qassim Suleimani, Iraq's Popular Mobilization Forces is suffering more from its leadership succession woes.
The Iranian government's network of foreign militia groups represents its primary regional power projection and national security tool.
A precipitous withdrawal risks greater instability and further disintegration of the war-torn country.
The international relations of the Gulf Arab countries increasingly have been characterized by a diversification of partnerships, including in a field that has historically been deemed the preserve of the United States and European allies: arms trade, and defense and security cooperation.
Through its careful examination of the forces shaping the evolution of Gulf societies and the new generation of emerging leaders, AGSIW facilitates a richer understanding of the role the countries in this key geostrategic region can be expected to play in the 21st century.Learn More