The coronavirus pandemic and oil price rout have provided China the opportunity to expand its dimensions of economic influence in the Gulf.
The pandemic is forcing a reprioritization of people-centered challenges that Gulf leaders seem to be willing and ready to undertake.
Focus on breakaway factions and groups engaged in violence will prove the most pragmatic and effective measure
From the establishment of the Turkey-Russia-Iran triumvirate to the ongoing Arab efforts to re-engage with Syria, everything can be traced back to the events of December 2016.
The United Arab Emirates will reopen its embassy in Damascus, and Bahrain and Kuwait are following suit.
Meetings in Riyadh with senior Yemeni and Saudi officials offered little hope that the war in Yemen is anywhere near its end.
As the confrontation between the Arab coalition and Qatar nears the one-month mark, with Doha insisting it intends to reject the 13 demands placed before it, it’s becoming increasingly clear that if there is to be any kind of reconciliation it will be brokered by Washington.
The dispute between Qatar and its Arab neighbors has now entered its fourth week, causing an uptick in tension throughout the Middle East.
The Arab Gulf States (AGS), or the member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) (Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Oman, Bahrain, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates), have historically used foreign aid and humanitarian aid as a quiet tool of their respective foreign policies within the wider Middle East.
Through its careful examination of the forces shaping the evolution of Gulf societies and the new generation of emerging leaders, AGSIW facilitates a richer understanding of the role the countries in this key geostrategic region can be expected to play in the 21st century.Learn More